Title | : | Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (Feminist Classics) |
Author | : | |
Rating | : | |
ISBN | : | 1784784311 |
ISBN-10 | : | 9781784784317 |
Language | : | English |
Format Type | : | Kindle Edition |
Number of Pages | : | 304 |
Publication | : | First published January 1, 1982 |
Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (Feminist Classics) Reviews
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Kumari Jayawardena has done a very impressive job of sketching outlines and pointing out protagonists in feminist and nationalist struggle (up to around WWII) in countries exploited by "western" imperialism. These lines can be taken up individually for more extensive study elsewhere, while as a whole they form a very diverse picture with very different circumstances, cultures and activists in each of the countries discussed.
The orientation here is radical. A successful movement is one that revolutionises society and family life, moving towards liberation, equity and justice for all. From this perspective, every country's feminist and nationalist struggle was limited. The connection between imperialism and oppression of women, or at least the involvement of women in the struggle against imperialism, meant that the nationalist struggle everywhere had feminist potential and/or the feminist struggle had decolonising potential, but in practice the two strands often remained quite separate. For example, from the section on India, my overall impression, which may well be erroneous, was that changes in the social position of women during this period (seemingly mainly brought about by male political reformers), though beneficial, were reformist, making women's lives more bearable without disturbing the patriarchal structure. Meanwhile, women seemed to be involved on a large scale, and respected and welcomed by men, in the fight for independence.
The section on Vietnam, where it seemed that imported sexist attitudes failed to take root and liberation struggle was, so I thought, by and for the mass of the people, was for me the most heartening. The most surprising was that on Japan, where Jayawardena argues convincingly that access to education and work beginning during the Meiji era actually worsened women's position since they were newly taught that women were inferior, and put to work in appalling exploitative conditions that did not increase their social or economic power. The section that most invited me to further exploration (though they all did) was the one on Sri Lanka, where complex histories were hinted at.
One useful companion to this book might be Vron Ware's
Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism, and History, which examines, in far less breadth but more depth than Jayawardena's study, some themes and stories on feminism and imperialism focussing explicitly on whiteness and white women. "Western" influence was somehow important to women's issues in all the countries discussed, at a minimum because of imperialist exploitation and interference, but also in other respects. In some cases this was more overt because (male) state leaders had decided to imitate "Western" dress or customs relating to family life, or because a "Western" capitalist economic model was being imposed or arising, creating pressure for women to enter the workforce. There were also more minor aspects, for example immigrants from the "West" were involved in early or important feminist and/or nationalist movements, or events from "Western" literature or activism served as inspiration for thinkers and activists. Another related read is Pankaj Mishra's
From the Ruins of Empire: The Revolt Against the West and the Remaking of Asia, which discusses how nationalism and other ideas from the "West" were taken up, debated, transformed, and put to work by Asian thinkers and movements.
Satisfyingly, while "Western" oppression and influences form interesting and often important currents in these stories, the perspective is always national, native, never suggesting a "Western" "us" and an oppressed "them". Interactions between native cultural strands, outside influences (often from one colonially oppressed country to another) and the interests and circumstances of individuals and groups create the ferment that produces feminist and anti-imperialist work and movements. Both the specificity and the interconnectedness of oppressions are understood here as a matter of course. This book outlines genealogies for such struggles and inspires their continuation and renewal. -
لم أتوقع أن أنهي كتابا بهذا الحجم ورغم الحشو فى بعض الأجزاء إلا أنه لم يكن مملا... الترجمة جيدة ولو أنى وجدت بعض الكلمات الغريبة
يناقش الكتاب من أجل حقوق المرأة في دول العالم الثالث وبالتحديد ١٢ دولة هما:
(تركيا-مصر-إيران- أفغانستان- الفلبين- الصين- فيتنام- كوريا- اليابان)
يبدأ كل فصل بالخلفية السياسية للدولة قبل النضال من أجل تعليم المرأة وحصولها على حريتها وخروجها للعمل. كان جيداً جداً ربط النضال الوطني بنضال النسوية حيث ارتفع صوت المرأة لغرضين وهما التحرر من الاستعمار والتحرر من السلطة الأبوية الذكورية. والحصول على الإستقلال الاقتصادي حتى لا تكون فى بيتٍ مهانةٌ فيه كرامتها وحتى لا تلجأ مجبورة إلى البغاء مع ضيق الحال وغياب فرص التعليم والعمل.
أنهت النسوية الجهل الذى خنق النساء لقرون
أنهت سجنهن في بيوتهن بين أربعة جدران
أنهت حرق الأرامل في الهند وانتحارهن في الصين
أنهت تقييد أقدامهن بلا سبب ولا داعي في الصين
وهي في طريقها الآن لإنهاء الختان والزواج المبكر وأستغلال المرأة كسلعة فى الإعلام والإباحية
أعطت حق الاقتراع للمرأة وكسرت قيودها الوهمية والادعاء الكاذب أنها غير قادرة على المشاركة السياسية والاقتصادية والثقافية.
الكتاب دليلاً واضحاً على أن النسوية ليست ذات منشأ غربى ولا وجود لها في دول آسيا وأفريقيا بل هى حالة عامة من الانتفاضة لكرامة المرأة الأنسانية والحصول على ما كان حقاً بديهيا للرجل محرم على المرأة لمجرد كونها أنثى.
المرأة على مر العصور كانت عاملة، ولكن قبل أن يكون متاح لها التعليم كانت تعمل إما فى البغاء أو تعمل فى الحقول والمصانع أو خادمة لاو مرضعة وكانت عرضة لكل أشكال الاستغلال ولا يحميها أي نقابة عمالية أو قانون ومن الممكن أن يعطيها رب العمل نصف أجر الرجل مع قيامهما كلاهما بنفس العمل ذاته.
ومن الغريب بالنسبة لى حقا رفض الرجال لعمل المرأة! وعلى أى أساس وهم فى بيوتهم الخادمات وفى حقولهم المزارعات وفى مصانعهم العاملات وقد أخرجهم من بطون أمهاتهم القابلات. فهو لم يكن رفض للعمل ذاته ولكنه رفض أن تتساوى المرأة مع الرجل وتكون زميلة له فتتفوق عليه وتنهار رجولته الهشة.
(وأيضاً الحرية مرهونة بالظروف الاقتصادية أكثر من السياسية والمرأة إن لم تكن حرة إقتصاديا وتكسب دخلها بنفسها، ستكون عليها الإعتماد على زوجها أو على شخص آخر والمعتمدين على غيرهم ليسوا أحرارا على الإطلاق)
وقد أثر فىّ ما كتبته جيو جين النسوية الصينية وهى مسافرة إلى اليابان لتكمل دراستها بعد أن بلغت مجوهراتها لأجل دفع أجرة السفر وتركت زوجها وأولادها عامين كاملين لتحقق حلمها
(لم يبق فى الشمس ضوء ولا فى القمر الأرض مظلمة
وعالمنا النسائي غارقٌ عميق جدا، فمن ذا يستطيع أن يساعدنا؟
بيعت المجوهرات لدفع أجرة هذه الرحلة عبر البحار،
مقطوعة الصلات عن عائلتى أترك أرضى الأصلية
أفك القيود عن قدمى، وأغسل أثر ألف عام من السم وبقلب متقد يوقظ أرواح جميع النساء
واحسرتاه هذا المنديل الناعم
نصفه ملطخ بالدم ونصفه بالدموع )
وبعد عودة جيو جين توظفت فى مدرسة ولكنها تورطت فى مؤامرة ضد الحكومة وقبض عليها وأعدمت عام ١٩٠٧م . -
مدخل للتعرف على النسوية في آسيا،من المهم ملاحظة ان النسوية في الغالب تستورد أفكارها من مجتمعات الغرب ، و ليس هذا بالضرورة سيئا فقد استطاعت فكرة النسوية الغربية القضاء على ظاهرة حرق الارامل على سبيل المثال. ولكنها أيضا قضت على التنوع حيث المرأة الغربية هي النموذج الأبهى والأفضل . فهل تكون النسوية سوى إمبريالية ذات وجه أنثوي؟
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I have so many feelings about this book. One one hand, it made me appreciate so much about how feminist struggles and the rise of women's emancipation movements were linked to anti-imperialism, and how "western" concepts found a fresh breath of air in colonial countries. Besides, it provides SO much information about historical figures who are otherwise ignored in modern "his"tory. Especially valuable is the elaboration of capitalism, imperialism and how they shaped women's responses to patriarchy.
While that stands, the book could have been so much more. It falls victim to the great women narrative - telling the struggle through the eyes of a few personalities while ignoring the background that put them at the forefront of struggle. There are constraints of information the author admits, but then again. A lot of history is outright missing - most of the essays stop at around 1945 (WWII), ignoring the sheer proliferation of women's movements in the post-war independent colonies and powers.
But I would recommend any readers to take the book at its own pace and read it to understand and question their preexisting notions of women's liberation in the third world. However, do be warned that it is a dry read in places, and that it is strictly limited in its perspective due to constraints of space and information, among others. -
I read the Verso reprint.
Jayawardena's overview of feminist in, largely, Asian countries (Egypt is included so) is if an academic read, still an important read. It gives lie to the belief by some Western feminists that the feminist movement in non-European/American (I.e. white) countries was not developed. She also showcases both men and women who were fought for woman's rights. This fight is at times placed in the larger context of the fight against colonialism (be it by the West or in the case of Korea, by China or Japan).
It was strange seeing such a short section on Afghanistan. The title is also a little misleading as the focus is largely on Middle Eastern and South Asian countries. Egypt, for instance, is the only country from Africa present. While including all "third world" countries would have been made for a more massive book and Jayawardena goes over the reasons for the chosen countries, it is still worth noting. -
الكتاب أشبه ما يكون بمرجع وبحث شامل لتاريخ النسوية في "بعض" دول العالم الثالث في القرنين التاسع عشر والعشرين.
كنت أتمنى لو اشتمل الكتاب على دول الشرق الأوسط.
تاريخ نضال النساء هو نفسه في كل بلد، كل دين وكل ثقافة. نشترك نحن النسوة في الظلم الواقع علينا، بسبب نفس الحُجج الواهية ضعيفة المنطق والعقلانية.
"النظام الأبوي ممارسة مُمنهجة تاريخيًا وليست قدر محتوم". -
محاولة لكتابة تاريخ المرأة والحركات النسوية في فترة النضالات القومية في العالم الثالث ، وعلاقة تحرير المرأة بالتحرر الوطني ، حيث تحاول الكاتبة إثبات فكرة مفادها أن الحركات والأفكار النسوية ليست استيرادًا من الغرب ، وأن النضالات النسوية جزء من تاريخ بلدانها ونضالاتها القومية .
لا يمكن تجاوز مثل هذه الأطروحة -
في المقدمة، الكتاب يرى ان النسوية ليست استيراداً من الغرب.وانما هو نتاج شرقي ايضا . لكن محتوى الكتاب يثبت العكس! اذ ان جميع افكار التحرر والنسوية تأثرت بالغرب. وما اثار استيائي هو محاولة الربط بين النسوية والتحرر وخلع الحجاب!
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"في البداية كانت المرأه هي الشمس.
شخصا اصيلا.
اليوم هي القمر
تعيش من خلال الاخرين.
وتعكس ألق الاخرين..."
..
"المرأه الجديدة تلعن الأمس.
المرأه الجديدة لاتكتفي بحياة
تلك المرأه التي جعلتها الانانية الذكوريه
جاهلة او أمة او قطعه لحم.
المرأة الجديده تسعى الى تدمير الأخلاق القديمة
والقوانين التي وضعت لمصلحة الذكور
المراة الجديدة لاتكتفي بتدمير الاخلاق القديمه
والقوانين التي نشأت من الانانيه الذكورية ، بل يوما بعد يوم
تحاول ان تخلق مملكة جديدة ، يطبق فيها دين جديد
وأخلاق جديدة وقوانين جديدة ...
إن خلق هذه المملكة الجديدة هو في الحقيقة مهمة النساء.
" -
It is indeed fascinating and absurd how the last paragraph of this book relates to the reader. My main motivation to read this book was precisely because I thought there was plenty of History left to be uncovered about women’s from South East Asia and Middle East that continues to be quite aggressively and relentlessly overlooked or manipulated. I believe that this book is also a necessary reflection for the western women to think about the truthful emancipation, not a superficial one. Anyway, I’m still digesting it is very possible I’ll edit this later
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كتاب لطيف .. وبالرغم من ان فكرته تبدو مطروقة كثيرًا من خلال العنوان ، إلا أن المحتوى كان مغايرًا وذو فائدة .
في هذا الكتاب تتناول جاياواردينا معتمدةً على التحليل والنقد التجليات المختلفة للعلاقة بين النضالين القومي/ النسوي في عدد من بلدان العالم الثالث ( جميعها تقع في آسيا ولا تتناول إلا مصر من جانب الدول العربية واعتقد بانها مثال شامل عن وضع النساء و النسوية في كافة البلدات العربية )
فكرة مهمة وهي ان وجود النسوية في آسيا كان قوة مهمة للتغيير الاجتماعي في القرنين التاسع عشر والعشرين ، فمشاركة المرأة في الحياة السياسية ، وفي النضالات الوطنية والقومية ، وفي تحركات الطبقة العاملة والثورات الفلاحية ، وتشكيل المنظمات النسائية المختلفة ، كل ذلك اسهم في هذا .
الترجمة ممتازة و متعوب عليها بحق ، وخاصة في توضيح ثقافات وأساطير وحوادث تاريخية لبلاد وثقافات مختلفة مما يتطلب شروحًا إضافية قام بها المترجمان بشكل يستحقان عليه كل الشكر . -
Issu d'un impressionnant travail de recherche, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World retrace des pans enfouis de l'histoire d'une dizaine de pays d'Asie et du Moyen-Orient, couvrant la fin du 19e et le début du 20e siècle. Jayawardena y présente des femmes qui ont joué un rôle significatif dans les mouvements nationalistes, féministes et/ou socialistes, explorant avec brio comment ces personnages importants ont su faire ressortir l'interconnexion entre le politique, l'économique et le genre à travers leurs luttes.
Parce que l'histoire en dehors de l'Europe et de l'Amérique du Nord, c'est de l'histoire pas pire oubliée et négligée, et parce que des fois on targue presque le féminisme d'être une exclusivité occidentale, cette lecture était franchement enrichissante. -
this book is extremely well researched and broad, with great historical and colonial context, yet there lacks some critical analytical depth that i think could've been useful. the conclusion was succinct but the themes explored could have been expanded on and it sometimes read more like an account of history rather than an analytical study. overall, a great overall summary of feminism in 'third world' countries with highlights on imperialism, resistance, nationalism, capitalism and education.
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I am not a fan.
I think she has some great insights into feminist movements in the global south but a lot of what she rests her points on I found jarring. There was an irony in her citing Orientalism in the first few pages (she quoted page two). When someone is referring to Ecole Polytechnique in a positive way, describing how it brought "modern" thought; how European progressivism sparked the empowerment of women in the "Muslim world", there is a problem. She describes the uncovering of Muslim women as emancipation from despotic Muslim rule. There is at no point any agency given to a covered woman in Egypt, Turkey or Iran. She argues that Pahlavi - the western-backed colonial sympathiser that milked Iran dry -, although made a number of mistakes, actually paved the way for modernisation and women's empowerment. She sings Ataturk's praises because he brought enlightenment and the separation of the state and Islam. I found her views deeply problematic as a Muslim.
I feel the issues she points to are serious issues that needed to be addressed and her insights outside of Muslim countries I would never dare to critique as my knowledge on them is limited to say the least. But there is nothing in Islam that teaches us to oppress our sisters educationally, socially or economically. This is what she eludes to multiple times overtly as well covertly. Like I said earlier, she is unable to separate Islam form the people that use it as a political tool to oppress because she is so distanced from any real understanding of Islam.
She writes well though... -
Wow. I never knew much about feminism, let alone feminism in Asia, so this book was definitely well worth the read. Jayawardena is from India and received an education in London, and from her research and time teaching, it is evident that she knows her stuff. Jayawardena writes clearly and explains the history of each of the 11 or so countries mentioned in her book. While it does get a bit repetitive by the end of the book when you've read the histories of so many countries and they all have a similar story, that is actually one of the main points you can gather from her book. Quite simply, feminism and nationalism were closely tied and helped bring countries to where they are today. While each country had their own histories, the overall path they took to get to today is roughly the same.
If you don't know much about Asia, feminism, or nationalism, pick up this book and get reading. Even though it is an older book, you'll learn a lot and will think about the history of your own country. Stop accepting the patriarchy and educate yourself on women's struggles! -
Solid reference book for late nineteenth/early twentieth century women's movements within the context of anti-colonial struggles in twelve different countries. Jayawardena collates a lot of information, but provides little in terms of analytical depth, and her sourcing is often very limited. Mostly useful as an introductory text or a reference book.
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I found this book very informative and logically structured. However I have to say that it read a lot like a classic text book which made progress slow, I wish I had got a bit more of the author's personal thoughts apart from the concluding pages.
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Kumari Jayawardena’s now 40 year old exploration of often fraught relationship between feminist and anti-colonial struggles, primarily across sections of west, south and east Asia (with a chapter looking at Egypt) merits revisiting. Originally published in 1982, this reissue of the 1986 update remains an important overview of diversity of class, gender and nationalist struggles from the later 19th through to the middle of the 20th centuries.
The analysis is shaped by two differential tendencies: the distinctly different histories of imperialism and colonialism in each case, and the ways feminist issues and activists connected to the network and flows of ideas that marked the internationalist women’s movements of the era. In the former Ottoman Empire – the cases here of Turkey and Egypt – the interaction of Imperialist forces, questions of political and administrative difference within the Empire, and the associations of Europe and modernity saw very different links between feminism and nation-making, including engagements with mass movements. Conversely, the regime in Iran/Persia – managing and shored up by British and Russian imperial interests – performed feminism-as-modernity from the top in the absence of anything resembling a mass movement.
As becomes clear early on, these are the first three cases explored, Jayawardena is highlighting the need to pay close attention to local conditions and circumstances – both structural and attitudinal, or what we called at the time of writing ‘the objective and subjective conditions for change’. She does well to draw out the specificity of each case – in addition she explores pre-partition India, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Philippines, Japan, China, Korea and Vietnam, with a very brief report on Afghanistan in the 1920s. While there is an emphasis on bourgeois women activists – not surprising given the range and reach of the research at the time she was writing – she also includes feminist and women’s activism in left wing politics, mainly socialist and communist, although with attention also to Japanese anarchist tendencies.
In one sense, this reflects the dominant trends in women’s and feminist histories – a middle class and liberal emphasis on political rights and education on the one hand and an anti-capitalist strand on the other hand. Here we see the dominant trends in global struggles of the era, but she is also clear that there are local conditions and circumstances. In Korea she emphasises that it was not domination by Western powers but colonisation primarily by Japan and China through until the later 19th century when there is some Russian imperial interest. The Philippines case highlights the impacts of Spanish and US occupation, whereas for Indonesia political unity came only with decolonisation in the 1940s. China and Vietnam stand out for their interweaving feminist and socialist/communist politics. That is to say, in each case, including the important discussion of Indian and Sri Lanka, there are clear signs of Euro-American influences on feminist movements, but each developed distinctly in relation to local class and imperialist forces.
Jayawardena is a Sri Lankan scholar activist, and for the most part relies on published English-language sources – so this is mainly an analysis that draws on others. There is some important primary material in her discussion of Sri Lanka, again to be expected given where she was working at the time she wrote this. It is therefore a synthesis of existing research, in part with an important orientation to recovery of histories of struggle often largely unknown by these movements’ successor groups and activists. It’s important to bear that in mind, as I suspect in part an explanation for the analysis not running past 1950 in any case. I suspect that imitation also accounts in large part for the attention given key activists and leaders; the evidence base was and remains limited. She also finishes with important points in the conclusion about silences in the knowledge base at the time, about the grounding of these movements in efforts to build nation-states in many cases out of collapsing empires and anti-colonial movements. She also repeatedly notes the dangers of being subsumed in nationalist movements, and the limitations of reform in patriarchal orders.
I first read this in the mid-1980s, when it ‘did the rounds’ in my political networks, and recall being excited by the histories of struggle it gave us. Coming back to it 3½ decades later it is sobering to think how important it remains, how there are still huge unanswered, possibly barely asked, questions flowing from the work, and how big still is the struggle against imperialist and patriarchal regimes. While it is very much ‘of its time’, it has stood the test of time quite well. -
If you are familiar with RuPaul, in RPDR there is often a drag HERstory challenge (instead of "his"-story). Well this book is exactly that.
"Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World" by Kumari Jayawardena. I thought I am done with my August reading but naaahhhhh hahahahaha 🙈🙈🙈This was an amazing read. A lot of the feminist books I am reading these days come from the West. Even when the feminism deals with POC's (like in "Hood Feminisim"), it is still mostly the American POC experience. So when I saw this book, it was an answer to my prayers.
The womxn empowerment movement in third world countries gain a different traction as we become sovereign nations. This generation of "founding parents" had 2 goals: modernize and set our national identity... Interestingly enough, these 2 goals often clash with one another. When talking about womxn empowerment, YES womxn of the reformation era are more educated and hold voting rights etc. But still, we are educated not simply for the sake of education, but so that we can become better mothers, wives, sisters, aunts, etc. Why? Because in these "3rd world countries", "family" has been established as the basic structure of society. A stable and mature country can only stand up on a stable family which benefits from educated women.
The book is still encouraging though.. It's a whole herstory of womxn revolutionaries and reformists who are trail blazers in their own time. There is no ending. There is no conclusion. Because this herstory is still going on but this time, we are the writers. -
An interesting overview of women's struggle for equality (social, political, legal, economic) in the context of nationalism and liberation movements in select formerly colonized countries. What I found interesting was how nationalism as a framework could only encompass a narrow script and scope for women's liberation, namely in the domains of education, voting rights, and political/legal representation. The reader sees how this familiar script plays out across so many countries who are struggling for independence and decolonization. Also notable was the tension that emerged between nationalism and feminism, in that the latter was almost always subservient to the priorities of the former. While we see important gains for women being made, in that they were able to win concessions on voting rights, education, and right to employment, the capitalist direction that nearly all of the countries examined took combined with the patriarchal domination, subsumed these important gains within their paradigm for the continued subjugation of women.
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An interesting insight into feminist movements in a number of countries in what would be called "Asia and the Middle East" but which spans a very broad array of different societies and developments. The style is quite scholarly, taking a proscribed approach to each country and working through the different time periods. The author quite candidly accepts the limitations in the style used in her conclusion to the book insofar as it is based to a great extent on existing western historical records, particularly for those sections dealing with the pre-modern period, however this doesn't diminish the book as it accepts these limitations and encourages readers and people with an interest to build on them in document the roles played by women in nationalist and liberation and simply in democratic movements across the countries covered. Would certainly recommend.
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Literally one of my favorite books on global feminisms ever . . . it took me over a year to read but only because it's so dense with valuable information. I've made scores of notes I'll be rereading over and over again in the future and I highly encourage anyone interested in learning more about feminism in general to read this deeply informative text. Jayawardena's language may not be flowery, but it's easy to follow and efficient in relaying complex histories and politics.
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I really like the (sub)point on how women's movements developed from creative fields, that self-actualization in the soul requires socio-political-economic change, and that these changes are nil/surface-level if they do not enable a liberation of the spirit.
Good historical overview of women's movements in relation to nationalism, independence and capitalism. Attempts to place women as agents within complex systems of subordination. -
Country by country case studies of national movements, women involved in national movements, women involved in feminist movements, women involved with socialist movements, and how they intersected. Pretty dry, almost like a an extended wikipedia binge rather than a book with a strong thesis or great writing.
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This book is an excellent piece of research.
There seems to be however some holes in history which is covered in the conclusion and the lack of depth is understandable from the quantity discussed
However that means some understanding of material realities and their understanding is lost on the reader - this is particularly potent when trying to understand the conditions of lower classes -
interesting book but im puzzled by her failure to discuss women's liberation and socialism in china, vietnam, and korea at length, especially china where she stops her history in like the 30s.
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Some info mentioned here are not accurate.