Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies by David P. Gushee

Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies Reviews

• 
  David Crumm

  Scholars critical of Donald Trump target the ‘Christian Nationalist’ movement supporting him
  
  In 2021, more than 1,000 historians, including a number of Pulitzer Prize winners, signed an open letter calling Donald Trump "a threat to American democracy." Among scholars, they were followed by a growing number of sociologists who have targeted one of Trump's strongest pillars: right-wing American Christians who for various reasons have staunchly supported his strongman promises. Now, just months before America's crucial Iowa primary elections, another kind of scholar—best-selling Christian ethicist Dr. David Gushee is weighing in with this book, which raises a similar alarm but from a more global perspective.
  
  This is a book that I'm giving 5 stars for its careful and research-based analysis of the sometimes dangerous inter-twining of authoritarian Christianity with reactionary politics—both historically and in today's contemporary world.
  
  Even readers who might have voted for Trump are likely to find this book fascinating as it examines patterns of populist power and traditionalist faith that sometimes have formed explosive alliances around the world.
  
  So, the first thing that may surprise readers of Gushee's new book—given the general way it is being described in American media—is that there’s relatively little analysis of Trump himself and his staunchest Christian allies. Gushee does quote, at length, an astonishingly violent prayer from one of the pastors supporting the January 6 attack on the Capitol that Trump helped to launch with his fiery rhetoric. The text of that prayer is a vivid example of the almost apocalyptic appeal for a Christian strongman to take over America. While Gushee identifies that pastor as an example, he does not address most of Trump’s Christian stalwarts by name—nor does he offer a detailed description of what they have done and said in recent years.
  
  That’s because Gushee has a different purpose in this book. It’s intended to find a home in small-group discussions in thousands of congregations nationwide, which has been Gushee's home turf for discussions of his earlier best-selling books, including Changing Our Mind and Introducing Christian Ethics. That's one reason readers will find a detailed discussion guide in the final pages of this newest book.
  
  Half of the book—about 100 pages—is valuable background about the meaning of “democracy” and its complicated relationship with religious movements down through the centuries.
  
  On the first page of this book, Gushee promises to:
  
  “Offer descriptive accounts of relevant Christian political movements and historical movements in different countries, mainly involving examples of Christians drifting into authoritarianism and reactionary politics that undercut democracy.” And, he writes, he will “offer a diagnosis of why many Christians are tempted toward or explicitly prefer authoritarian reactionary politics to democracy as part of their negative reaction to modern cultural developments.”
  
  Finally, he will “offer an argument for today’s Christians to support a particular vision of democratic politics, and traditional Christian resources to undergird that vision.”
  
  Significant sections of this book look at the dangers of these authoritarian reactionary Christian movements in Germany that helped fuel the Third Reich, as well as in France before and during World War II, Poland in recent years, Orbán’s Hungary, Bolsonaro’s Brazil and Putin’s Russia.
  
  Like all books that address issues in our daily news headlines, the life of this book may be only a few years. As global events change and new trends emerge, I'm sure Gushee will be writing more books about those new "urgencies." But, for now, especially for American readers but perhaps for readers in other countries around the world, this is a very timely and compelling book.
• 
  Zach W. Lambert

  “What happened in late 2020 and early 2021 was that, for the first time in US history, a president threatened democracy itself.”
  
  Defending Democracy From Its Christian Enemies by David Gushee is a MUST READ as we approach the 2024 election. He outlines 7 different countries where democracy was threatened (and eventually killed) by Christian fascists and how what is happening in our country today is eerily similar. He also gives three ways that Christians can fight for democracy. It's so good!
• 
  Ellen Melson

  Dr. Gushee explains why sometimes Christians are drawn more toward reactionary authoritarian regimes to "reinstitute" a past that never really existed. Instead, some Christian traditions are based firmly within a democratic one and Gushee explains why we should return to those actual traditions instead of an idyllic past that never really existed for all and why Christians should not feel threatened by that. He looks at a few examples in history to make these points. I really appreciated how he advocated for a return to a covenant view of democracy wherein the whole promises the one and vice versa. The book is quite academic but gives the reader some good talking points and food for thought on how to listen and respond to those who think our country needs a Christian dictator.
• 
  Mindi Cromwell

  Dr. Gushee approaches the subject from the perspective of an ethicist. He also makes the argument that instead of Christian Nationalism a better term (more encompassing of how this functions in other parts of the world and within other religions) is Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity.
• 
  Robert D. Cornwall

  On January 6th a mob broke into the US Capitol following a Trump rally intent on disrupting the finalization of the 2024 Presidential election. Among those who participated in this effort were people carrying Christian flags. Many in the crowd would call themselves Christians but in that moment, in service to a narcissistic President who had lost the election, they participated in a riot. While the United States has prided itself on being an exemplar of democracy, it appears that many Christians have decided to embrace authoritarianism. The question of the moment, with Donald Trump having a good chance of winning the Presidency, will this be the end of democracy in America?
  
  Among Christian writers who have taken notice of current trends and have addressed them is David Gushee. Gushee is a well-regarded Christian ethicist who is by tradition a Baptist, a tradition that until recently has stood for religious liberty and expressed itself in democratic forms. Currently, he is a Distinguished University Professor of Christian Ethics at Mercer University and the author of numerous books on matters of Christian ethics and contemporary concerns. In "Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies," Gushee (David is a friend) addresses the current nationalistic trends within white evangelicalism, raising the alarm and offering resources to stem the tide.
  
  Gushee understands that no political system is perfect but democracy is the best we have and is worth defending. Like me, he is disturbed by the support given to anti-democratic movements and the embrace of Christian nationalism present within evangelicalism. While many talk of Christian nationalism, David has suggested an alternative descriptor that gets to the heart of the problem. That descriptor is "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity." I like this descriptor as it is much more specific and is less confusing than Christian nationalism, which some equate with patriotism. Note the emphasis here on authoritarianism, a characteristic we see present in figures such as Victor Orban and Vladimir Putin, both of whom have their admirers in certain sectors of the American body politic. It tends to be populist and seeks power over others. It is also reactionary in that it seeks to push the nation back to an earlier golden age (generally an age when white men ruled). It is committed to winning culture wars.
  
  Before he gets to this authoritarian reactionary Christianity in Chapter 2, Gushee first defines and defends democracy (Chapter 1). He acknowledges that defining democracy is not simple as it has taken different forms throughout history. He has chosen to start with the definition offered by Bruce Russert of Yale University, who speaks of democracy as a political system "in which nearly everyone can vote, elections are freely contested, the chief executive is chosen by popular vote or by an elected parliament, and civil rights and civil liberties are substantially guaranteed." (p. 8). That is a good definition, though we have yet as a nation fully embodied it. He points out that democracy is more than simply the rule of the people, which could be simply mob rule. That's not what is meant here. Thus, Gushee goes into some detail in defining democracy, as a political system that requires strong values and virtuous people. Though not perfect it is the best we have. Unfortunately, this system is being challenged such that the future of democracy in America is not guaranteed.
  
  In Chapter 2 Gushee examines the alternatives and threats to democracy, especially as they emerge out of religious movements, including American democracy. I've already mentioned Christian nationalism and Gushee's more descriptive "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity." He explores in this chapter the reasons why authoritarianism has returned and is threatening democracy. He dives deeper into defining "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity," his preferred descriptor in Chapter 3, pointing out how culture wars and reactions to immigration and LGBTQ inclusion, have galvanized certain segments of the population who believe that Christianity is losing its hold on the nation.
  
  In Chapter 4, Gushee contrasts the secular revolutions of the 20th century and the religious counterrevolution. He follows here the work of political philosopher Michael Walzer. He lifts up the case of the secular Zionist movement that led to the founding of Israel and the religious movements that have taken the lead in Israel. He includes in the discussion the apocalyptic element as well. From there he moves to current trends in the USA and elsewhere, that are seeing similar religious reactions. David writes that he believes it is reasonable to "suggest that the perceived secular revolutions(s) of the 1960s finally created the motivation necessary for the United States to have its first experience of an organized religious (mainly Christian) counterrevolution." (p. 70). That counterrevolution is threatening American democracy. What many had assumed was stable and unsusceptible to collapse is now showing signs of possibility.
  
  Having raised the question of secular revolutions and religious counterrevolution, Gushee spends the next six chapters taking note of reactionary political movements that sought to sweep aside secular states. He begins with France from 1870 to 1944 (chapter 5) and then moves to what he calls the "The Politics of Cultural Despair in Germany, 1853-1933," a political period that gave way to Hitler's Nazi movement in 1933. Many of the seeds of Hitler's movement were planted during this period, including anti-Jewish sentiment. Part of this reaction is the emergence of a "corrupted, quasi-Christian nationalist religion" that bears "little resemblance to Jesus or historic Christian moral political norms." (p. 195). From there we move in Chapter 7 to "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity in Putin's Russia." As we watch the war between Russia and the Ukraine we've seen authoritarian reactionary Christianity on full display as Putin has made common cause with the Russian Orthodox Patriarch, couching the war in religious terms. Although not nearly as reactionary as Russia, chapter 8 lifts up the situation in Poland, where politicians had sought to align with the Roman Catholic Church in ways that have degraded Poland's democracy (though a recent election seems to have stemmed this trend for the moment). More disconcerting is Victor Orban's Hungary (Chapter 9), as Orban has essentially established one-man rule rooted in reactionary Christianity. His motto is "illiberal democracy." This is an important chapter because Orban has become a hero to many on the American Right, with Donald Trump and many GOP leaders idolizing him. Tucker Carlson has broadcast from Hungary and conservative movements have held conventions there. Orban's Hungary has become the model for what some would like to see happen in the United States. Chapter 10 takes note of the former President of Brazil, who embraced a similar version of authoritarian reactionary Christianity. Although he lost re-election, like Trump he rejected the results of the election.
  
  The situations discussed in chapters 5 through 10, lead to a discussion of "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity in Trump's United States." While neither David nor I see Trump as a true believer, he has galvanized a significant portion of the electorate who are true believers. They serve as Trump's enablers. One of the dimensions of this movement is an attempt to contrast democracy and a republic, something the current Speaker of the House and other Republicans have sought to do. While the Constitution speaks of the United States being a republic, the distinction being made is not a legitimate effort.
  
  So what are the resources, especially religious resources that can help us turn the tide? Gushee devotes several chapters to answering this question. He begins in Chapter 12 by laying out "The Baptist Democratic Tradition," drawing in large part on the work of his mentor Glen Stassen. He lays out how Baptists embraced democratic principles and expressed an allergy toward authoritarianism. The second tradition that he points to is the Black Christian Democratic Tradition (Chapter 13). He points to slavery as America's Original Sin, such that the voice of the African American Christian Community needs to be heard since "authoritarian reactionary Christianity" here and abroad is wrapped up in white racism, even if many if not most white folks don't see this reality. The Black struggle for equality can serve as inspiration to movements seeking true equality. The third element may seem surprising to some because you might think that the Enlightenment movements of the late sixteenth century would be the key to restoring democratic principles, but Gushee finds that Lockeian democracy has lost steam. However, in Chapter 14 he points us to the covenantal vision that the early Puritans developed. While he recognizes the baggage the Puritans carry, the concept of covenant could be quite useful in renewing democracy in America. He notes that covenant relationships understood that God served as the witness and guarantor. He points out that democracy requires "covenant fidelity," for our citizenship, at least theoretically, is not based on blood lineage, but on allegiance. This is a fascinating idea, that renewal begins by reclaiming covenant language and ideas.
  
  Now, you might think that Gushee is suggesting that the renewal of democracy requires Christian theological concepts. In a way, he is, but not in a way that imposes Christianity on others. What he is suggesting is a way for Christians to reengage with the political system, embrace democracy and pluralism, and draw from Christian traditions that support democracy. This is a word of hope at a time when many are discouraged by the political situation of the moment. For this, we can be thankful for the work of scholars who bring their scholarship to bear on the practical concerns of the time. So, please read and discuss this important work.
  
• 
  Josh Olds

  For all that it does, Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies doesn’t really do what the title says. Gushee acts as a historian rather than a social commentator. He gives readers a diagnosis, but not much a plan of action. Gushee is an ethicist and I honestly expected something more in line with his previous work. Instead, this gives more of a Jesus and John Wayne vibe (and Kristin Kobes Du Mez does offer a cover page endorsement). This is a historical look of how we got to where we are, not just in America but the world over.
  
  After an introductory section that defines democracy and lays the groundwork for everything to follow, Gushee turns to what is mostly a historical/factual presentation of on the development of reactionary politics in the past (France and Germany in particular) and an outline of present-day authoritarian reactionary Christianity in several countries—Russia, Poland, Hungary, Brazil, and the US. This is a clear reminder to Gushee’s primarily American audience that Christian Nationalism is not a strictly American thing. Rather, it is a global phenomenon that presents itself within right-wing politics the world over.
  
  The strength of the book is Gushee’s term “Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity.” He takes a chapter to define the phrase by each of the terms, positing that Christian Nationalism, in all its forms, can be described as an 1) authoritarian movement that consolidates power in one person/group, 2) comes about as a reaction to a secular revolution in social sphere, and 3) uses Christianity as its religious basis for action. American ARC, then, is authoritarian in its adherence to the Republican party, particularly Donald Trump; it is reactionary to the social changes wrought by the Civil Rights movement, extending out to the recognition and inclusion of sexual/gender diversity; and it uses evangelical Christianity as the religious arm of its body politic.
  
  One criticism I have with these chapters is that, with the exception of Poland, Gushee ties the nations to their leaders. The chapter titles says “Putin’s Russia,” “Orban’s Hungary,” “Bolsonaro’s Brazil,” and “Trump’s America.” I feel like this falsely fingers the cause of the problem on a singular leader. It’s 2024. Is it Trump’s America? He has not been president for three years, though he certainly looms large over the 2024 election and the Republican party. Similarly, Bolsonaro, while president at the time this book was written, lost the 2022 presidential election (and perhaps inspired by US events, his supporters stormed federal buildings and called for a coup). If we reduce the movement to one person (or even one political party) we can become fooled into thinking that removing them from power fixes the problem. While it certainly mitigates some issues, I daresay that Christian nationalism and what Gushee terms “authoritarian reactionary Christianity” is still alive in well in American halls of power—perhaps most clearly seen in US support for Israel in their genocide of Gaza.
  
  The concluding chapters offer a brief sketch of how to “save democracy,” but like most democratic plans, actually require the will of the people. Democracy requires community and I don’t think that Gushee went deep enough into how Americans address their deep divisions and achieve a sense of togetherness that is necessary for democracy to thrive.
  
  Altogether, Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies is to be commended for its historical overview of the problem, but it leaves readers in want of any solution—particularly a solution that truly addresses the fears and the desires of those attempting to undermine democracy. The way forward won’t be easy and, if I’m to be honest, I don’t see much a way forward that does not include the death of the American empire. But death is the only way you get to resurrection.
  
• 
  Erin

  TBH, I am concerned about the 2024 elections. Trump's calls for revenge are concerning. His assertions that he is immune from any prosecution suggest his actions will have no limit, and his last presidency demonstrated he barely had limits. Plus he led the charge for the claim that the election was stolen, and he actually won. (And lots of people believe this.) However, is Biden up to the task?
  
  When I'm concerned, I read. I want to understand: How did we get here as a nation? Why are Evangelicals so at the center of this?
  
  This is personal for me. I was a registered Republican until Trump took the nomination. I identified as an Evangelical until the values began to seem so different than the values of Jesus. I attended an largely white Evangelical church until the response to the George Floyd murders convinced me I couldn't pretend anymore. (There's more there, but this is a book review and not a personal history.)
  
  At any point, my reading list includes several books that explore these topics. Gushee's is a well-researched academic argument. He lays out his research and develops a sequential, multi-stage argument, defining and tracking the history of democracy, from before the birth of the US to the present time. He advocates a change from discussing "White Christian Nationalists" to "Authoritarian Reactionary Christianity."
  
  It's all very heady stuff, and I won't lie, sometimes my eyes glazed over. Perhaps that's because I read early in the morning, or perhaps my deep dive into light fiction has diminished my ability to read academic prose.
  
  At any rate, there is definitely good stuff in here, mixed in with the more dense deductive reasoning.
  
  I'm on to the next book. It won't change the outcome of the election, but it does help mitigate the anxiety.
  
• 
  Sue Fellows

  I was attracted to this book because it appeared to give some good information, especially with the volatile present setting regarding democracy. I will say that Gushee did a lot of work to present his ideas in relationship to other countries. I personally found this information to take away from the subject at hand. I was also not a fan of his personal bias toward past leadership – I felt it was not necessary and took away from the topic.
  
  I know there are those who are praising his work, but I am afraid I am in the opposite camp on this. I went away confused. I would like to write a review with more positive reactions, but I am afraid I can’t do that in good conscience.
  
• 
  Jacob

  I appreciate any book that gets its thesis across efficiently. This book succeeds royally in that regard — Gushee’s words pack a powerful punch. Great summary of important parts of history. Great arguments for why we (Americans) should be deeply concerned about the degradation of democracy in our society.
  
  Three main critiques/ follow-up points:
  (1) Gushee lost me toward the end when trying to connect the dots between democracy and God.
  (2) I wonder if he doesn’t consider that what he proposes might indeed be impossible (as I believe it is).
  (3) Is there room here to also cover the massive dangers posed by the Far Left?
• 
  Gregory

  This was a challenging book to read. Some good insights, but Gushee is a liberal progressive and so his reading of the Bible and history is of course skewed by those commitments. Of course, he'd say the same thing about me. What conservatives can, and should, learn from his book is that we should not play by the rules of the world. In our resistance to authoritarian and repressive liberalism, we don't need to go to the other extreme of conservative authoritarianism. That will simply sow the seeds of the next revolution.
• 
  William Weld-Wallis

  Sobering look at the foundations of democratic theory, both in society and in the church, some history of democracy, and the current threats to it. Gushee focuses on threats in Russia, Poland, Hungary, Brazil, and the United States, with an emphasis on Christian support for the autocratic politics of Trump. The book is academic at times, but compelling in arguing its case. Highly recommended for those looking to make sense of the American Christian Right.
• 
  David Blankenship

  This was a fascinating book, not simply about America's problem with Trumpism, but about how a reactionary authoritarian mindset has come to prevail over many so-called Christian communities around the world. Fear of the 'other' has led to distrust, anger, and the demonizing of whole groups. While the solutions here are slim, they at least deserve consideration.
• 
  Jeff

  This book is “must read“ good in the genre of books on the subject of Christian nationalism. Should be read by all American, Brazilian, Russian, Polish, Hungarian, Christians, to understand the peril, posed by Christian nationalism of any sort. Read it!
• 
  Jeremy

  A bit to broadstrokes to me to be useful for more to just discussion. Won't convince anyone not already drawn in by the title with similar leanings.
• 
  Miles Smith

  A silly, unserious book that Im going to keep just as a reminder of what silly unserious books look like.